Sex and Politics and Screeds and Attitude: the liar barack

2/12/2015

the liar barack

at wsws, joseph kishore notes:

The entire proposal is thoroughly cynical, a pseudo-legal fig leaf to provide political cover for an illegal war. The way that the new authorization has been proposed—including a perfunctory White House announcement held in the middle of the afternoon—underscores the contempt of the political establishment for basic democratic procedures and the will of the American people. All decisions on military action are made behind the scenes by a cabal of military and intelligence officials, with Obama as their spokesman.
As recently as 2002, in advance of the Bush administration’s invasion of Iraq, the political establishment felt it necessary to go through the motions of a Senate debate and vote, with a presentation of supposed facts (i.e., fabrications) and arguments to justify war. Now, wars and military operations are simply launched and presented to the population as a fait accompli.
The proposed congressional authorization for war against ISIS comes nearly half a year after the Obama administration initiated bombing in Iraq and Syria. There have already been at least 2,000 air strikes in this latest round of the US drive to conquer the Middle East.
The war authorization request marks the latest stage in the long and tragic encounter of the peoples of the Middle East with US imperialism. The White House proposal would repeal the 2002 authorization for military force in Iraq, which, following the 1991 Gulf War and a decade of brutal sanctions, was used to invade Iraq and initiate a war that led to the deaths of over one million Iraqis and laid waste to the entire country. ISIS itself is a product of this devastation as well as US support for Islamic fundamentalist forces that have served as proxies in the US-led wars to overthrow Gaddafi in Libya and oust Bashar al-Assad in Syria.
In asking for the new authorization, Obama was at pains to insist he did not need it, and that strikes would continue regardless. “Existing statutes provide me with the authority I need,” he wrote in his letter to Congress.

what a betrayal of everything he 1st ran for the presidency on.

what a liar.

what a fake.

2019 can't come soon enough if you ask me.

let's close with c.i.'s 'Iraq snapshot:'

Wednesday, February 11, 2015. Chaos and violence continue, Barack Obama wants more war and longer war and wider war, Foreign Policy In Focus and Ron Paul are two who notice, the US Secretary of Veterans Affairs insults a veteran publicly and questions the value of the veteran's service, US Senator Patty Murray continues fighting for veterans including those wounded while serving who need assistance with starting families, and much more.

Let's start with some basics the White House advanced today:

1. What is an AUMF?
An AUMF, or authorization of use of military force, is a law passed by Congress that authorizes the President to use U.S. military force.
2. What is the President’s proposal for an AUMF against ISIL?
The President is submitting a draft of an AUMF to Congress to authorize the continued limited use of military force to degrade and defeat ISIL. Key elements of the President’s proposal include:

A three-year limit on the AUMF so that the next President, Congress, and the American people can assess the progress we have made against ISIL and review these authorities again
A repeal of the 2002 Iraq AUMF which authorized the 2003 Iraq invasion under President George W. Bush

It’s important to note that the AUMF the President is proposing would not authorize long-term, large-scale ground combat operations like those our nation conducted in Iraq and Afghanistan. His proposal does seek the flexibility to conduct ground operations in other, more limited circumstances, including:

Rescue operations involving U.S. or coalition personnel
Special Operations missions against ISIL leadership
Intelligence collection and assistance to partner forces

A three year limit? That would be February 2018. Barack wouldn't be in the White House.

Probably more importantly, when does a so-called 'limit' mean forces leave a country?

The Status of Forces Agreement that Bully Boy Bush's administration negotiated with then-Iraqi prime minister Nouri al-Maliki had a limit. At the end of three years, the contract expired unless something new came along to replace it.

Nothing new came along.

So US forces all left Iraq and are out of the country now.

Oh, wait, that's not what happened. Special-Ops were among the troops who remained in Iraq after the December 2011 drawdown and over 15,000 troops in Iraq were instead sent into Kuwait in case they needed to go back in.

And there's been no authorization for the special-ops brigade Barack sent in during the fall of 2012 or all the US troops he's sent in since June.

So let's just all be honest, the 'three year limit' is meaningless. In three years, those wanting the US forces to remain in will insist that deaths were in vain otherwise and possibly that those calling for troops out of Iraq are actually unAmerican, unpatriotic and shouldn't voice opinions while troops are in harms way.

The three year limit is not to protect Iraq.

It is not to protect US forces.

It exists for one reason only: So Barack can push the blame off on someone else since the decision three years from now will be pushed off on others.

And for those dwindling few who remain members of The Cult of St. Barack, it's not just me saying this, it's also your sainted leader who declared today, "It is not a timetable. It is not announcing that the mission is completed at any given period. What it is saying is that Congress should revisit the issue at the beginning of the next President’s term."

Get it?

He should be ashamed of himself and someone should go back and count how many times he publicly used the term "kick the can" in 2007 and 2008 as he insulted those who refused to confront a problem but instead "kicked the can" down the road and left it for someone to solve later on.

He spoke on the topic this afternoon. Here are his remarks in full:

THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. Today, as part of an international coalition of some 60 nations -- including Arab countries -- our men and women in uniform continue the fight against ISIL in Iraq and in Syria.

More than 2,000 coalition airstrikes have pounded these terrorists. We’re disrupting their command and control and supply lines, making it harder for them to move. We’re destroying their fighting positions, their tanks, their vehicles, their barracks, their training camps, and the oil and gas facilities and infrastructure that fund their operations. We’re taking out their commanders, their fighters, and their leaders.

In Iraq, local forces have largely held the line and in some places have pushed ISIL back. In Syria, ISIL failed in its major push to take the town of Kobani, losing countless fighters in the process -- fighters who will never again threaten innocent civilians. And we’ve seen reports of sinking morale among ISIL fighters as they realize the futility of their cause.

Now, make no mistake -- this is a difficult mission, and it will remain difficult for some time. It’s going to take time to dislodge these terrorists, especially from urban areas. But our coalition is on the offensive, ISIL is on the defensive, and ISIL is going to lose. Its barbaric murders of so many people, including American hostages, are a desperate and revolting attempt to strike fear in the hearts of people it can never possibly win over by its ideas or its ideology -- because it offers nothing but misery and death and destruction. And with vile groups like this, there is only one option: With our allies and partners, we are going to degrade and ultimately destroy this terrorist group.

And when I announced our strategy against ISIL in September, I said that we are strongest as a nation when the President and Congress work together. Today, my administration submitted a draft resolution to Congress to authorize the use of force against ISIL. I want to be very clear about what it does and what it does not do.

This resolution reflects our core objective to destroy ISIL. It supports the comprehensive strategy that we have been pursuing with our allies and partners: A systemic and sustained campaign of airstrikes against ISIL in Iraq and Syria. Support and training for local forces on the ground, including the moderate Syrian opposition. Preventing ISIL attacks, in the region and beyond, including by foreign terrorist fighters who try to threaten our countries. Regional and international support for an inclusive Iraqi government that unites the Iraqi people and strengthens Iraqi forces against ISIL. Humanitarian assistance for the innocent civilians of Iraq and Syria, who are suffering so terribly under ISIL’s reign of horror.

I want to thank Vice President Biden, Secretaries Kerry and Hagel, and General Marty Dempsey for their leadership in advancing our strategy. Even as we meet this challenge in Iraq and Syria, we all agree that one of our weapons against terrorists like ISIL -- a critical part of our strategy -- is the values we live here at home. One of the best antidotes to the hateful ideologies that try to recruit and radicalize people to violent extremism is our own example as diverse and tolerant societies that welcome the contributions of all people, including people of all faiths.

The resolution we’ve submitted today does not call for the deployment of U.S. ground combat forces to Iraq or Syria. It is not the authorization of another ground war, like Afghanistan or Iraq. The 2,600 American troops in Iraq today largely serve on bases -- and, yes, they face the risks that come with service in any dangerous environment. But they do not have a combat mission. They are focused on training Iraqi forces, including Kurdish forces.

As I’ve said before, I’m convinced that the United States should not get dragged back into another prolonged ground war in the Middle East. That’s not in our national security interest and it’s not necessary for us to defeat ISIL. Local forces on the ground who know their countries best are best positioned to take the ground fight to ISIL -- and that’s what they’re doing.

At the same time, this resolution strikes the necessary balance by giving us the flexibility we need for unforeseen circumstances. For example, if we had actionable intelligence about a gathering of ISIL leaders, and our partners didn’t have the capacity to get them, I would be prepared to order our Special Forces to take action, because I will not allow these terrorists to have a safe haven. So we need flexibility, but we also have to be careful and deliberate. And there is no heavier decision than asking our men and women in uniform to risk their lives on our behalf. As Commander in Chief, I will only send our troops into harm’s way when it is absolutely necessary for our national security.

Finally, this resolution repeals the 2002 authorization of force for the invasion of Iraq and limits this new authorization to three years. I do not believe America’s interests are served by endless war, or by remaining on a perpetual war footing. As a nation, we need to ask the difficult and necessary questions about when, why and how we use military force. After all, it is our troops who bear the costs of our decisions, and we owe them a clear strategy and the support they need to get the job done. So this resolution will give our armed forces and our coalition the continuity we need for the next three years.

It is not a timetable. It is not announcing that the mission is completed at any given period. What it is saying is that Congress should revisit the issue at the beginning of the next President’s term. It’s conceivable that the mission is completed earlier. It’s conceivable that after deliberation, debate and evaluation, that there are additional tasks to be carried out in this area. And the people’s representatives, with a new President, should be able to have that discussion.

In closing, I want to say that in crafting this resolution we have consulted with, and listened to, both Republicans and Democrats in Congress. We have made a sincere effort to address difficult issues that we’ve discussed together. In the days and weeks ahead, we’ll continue to work closely with leaders and members of Congress on both sides of the aisle. I believe this resolution can grow even stronger with the thoughtful and dignified debate that this moment demands. I’m optimistic that it can win strong bipartisan support, and that we can show our troops and the world that Americans are united in this mission.

Today, our men and women in uniform continue the fight against ISIL, and we salute them for their courageous service. We pray for their safety. We stand with their families who miss them and who are sacrificing here at home. But know this: Our coalition is strong, our cause is just, and our mission will succeed. And long after the terrorists we face today are destroyed and forgotten, America will continue to stand free and tall and strong.

May God bless our troops, and may God bless the United States of America. Thank you very much, everybody.

That's what he's saying today. As he prepares to send US forces into combat.

And what did he say in June?

June 13, 2014, he stated:

We will not be sending U.S. troops back into combat in Iraq, but I have asked my national security team to prepare a range of other options that could help support Iraqi security forces, and I’ll be reviewing those options in the days ahead.

Today? He stated:

The resolution we’ve submitted today does not call for the deployment of U.S. ground combat forces to Iraq or Syria. It is not the authorization of another ground war, like Afghanistan or Iraq. The 2,600 American troops in Iraq today largely serve on bases -- and, yes, they face the risks that come with service in any dangerous environment. But they do not have a combat mission. They are focused on training Iraqi forces, including Kurdish forces.

It doesn't call for it because Democrats in Congress threatened to stage a mutiny.

Barack had already sent US Secretary of State John Kerry to Congress, specifically the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (which Kerry used to Chair) December 9th to argue that Congress must include granting Barack the right to put US troops in on the ground combat in Iraq or Congress would "bind the hands of the commander in chief [and] our commanders in the field."

Reality, it's not needed.

It's never been needed.

If Congress gives Barack -- or any president -- an authorization for war, that's it.

As commander-in-chief of the US military, he then executes the war.

If he wants troops in combat, he gets them with no need of Congressional approval.

Barack knows that.

John Kerry knows that.

What was the December 9th plea about?

Trying to spread the blame around.

Trying to say Congress wanted it.

Barack takes neither responsibility nor accountability.

If you haven't noticed that by now, you're either in a coma or in The Cult of St. Barack.

Someone who is paying attention is Peter Certo (Foreign Policy In Focus) whose breakdown of the request includes:

As an ardent supporter of “hamstringing the commander in chief” in this particular case, let me count the ways that my concerns have not been eased by this resolution.
1. Its vague wording will almost certainly be abused.
For one thing, the administration has couched its limitations on the use of ground forces in some curiously porous language.
How long is an “enduring” engagement, for example? A week? A year? The full three years of the authorization and beyond?
And what’s an “offensive” operation if not one that involves invading another country? The resolution’s introduction claims outright that U.S. strikes against ISIS are justified by America’s “inherent right of individual and collective self-defense.” If Obama considers the whole war “inherently defensive,” does the proscription against “offensive” operations even apply?
And what counts as “combat”? In his last State of the Union address, Obama proclaimed that “our combat mission in Afghanistan is over.” But only two months earlier, he’d quietly extended the mission of nearly 10,000 U.S. troops in the country for at least another year. So the word seems meaningless.
In short, the limitation on ground troops is no limitation at all. “What they have in mind,” said California Democrat Adam Schiff, “is still fairly broad and subject to such wide interpretation that it could be used in almost any context.”
Any context? Yep. Because it’s not just the ISIS heartland we’re talking about.
2. It would authorize war anywhere on the planet.
For the past six months, we’ve been dropping bombs on Iraq and Syria. But the draft resolution doesn’t limit the authorization to those two countries. Indeed, the text makes no mention of any geographic limitations at all.
That could set the United States up for war in a huge swath of the Middle East. Immediate targets would likely include Jordan or Lebanon, where ISIS forces have hovered on the periphery and occasionally launched cross-border incursions. But it could also rope in countries like Libya or Yemen, where ISIS knockoff groups that don’t necessarily have any connection to the fighters in Iraq and Syria have set up shop.
This is no theoretical concern. The Obama administration has used Congress’ post-9/11 war authorization — which specifically targeted only the perpetrators of the 9/11 attacks and their patrons and supporters — to target a broad array of nominally “associated forces” in a stretch of the globe reaching from Somalia to the Philippines.
In fact, the administration has used the very same 2001 resolution to justify its current intervention in Iraq and Syria — the very war this new resolution is supposed to be authorizing.
How does the new resolution handle that?

Will others note the problems or are we on the left going to yet again fall into a collective silence to protect Sainted Barack?

Well one just has. Antiwar.com just posted former US House Rep Ron Paul's column which includes:

The new authorization explicitly does not impose geographic limits on the use of troops anywhere in the world and expands the definition of ISIS to that of all “associated forces.” A grant of this authority will do nothing to limit our dangerous involvement in these constant Middle East wars.

The war propagandists are very active and are winning over the support of many unsuspecting American citizens. It is not difficult to motivate resistance against an organization like ISIS that engages in such evil displays of horrific violence.

We have been fighting in the Middle East for 25 years. There have been no victories and no “mission accomplished.” Many needless deaths and dollars have been spent and yet we never reassess our policies of foreign interventionism. One would think after the humiliating defeat of the Republicans in 2008, as a reaction to the disastrous foreign policy of George W. Bush, that the American people would be more cautious in granting support to expanding our military presence in that region.

One thing that's been repeatedly noticed in the last years is that the administration has serious issues with accountability and, when questioned by Congress, gets nasty and rude.

Eric Holder's lost in front of Congress repeatedly, John Kerry's been embarrassing and of course Hillary started yelling and screaming like a beast culminating in her infamous January 23, 2013 snarl of "What difference at this point does it make!" [See the January 23, 2013 snapshot., the January 24, 2013 snapshot, Wally's "Facts matter, Hillary (Wally)," Ava's "20 are still at risk says Hillary in an aside (Ava)," Ruth's "Like watching Richard Nixon come back to life" and Kat's "Can she not answer even one damn question?"]

But today's House Veterans Affairs Committee hearing found a witness who may have topped all of that combined.

This morning, the full Committee explored the VA's budget request for FY2016. Among those offering testimony was VA Secretary Robert McDonald who lost it in an exchange with US House Rep Mike Coffman and snarled, "I've run a large company, sir. What have you done?"

Coffman did a slow burn.

McDonald may have felt he'd won but he didn't win.

Coffman's a former Marine.

Coffman served in the Gulf War and the Iraq War.

The fact that McDonald is the Secretary of Veterans Affairs makes the rudeness all the more appalling.

Though he refused to lower himself to McDonald's level in the hearing, Coffman did post a statement on his Facebook page:

7 hrs ·

Let me start by telling you something I haven't done. I have never run a federal agency that tolerates corruption the way the VA has. I've never built a hospital that's years behind schedule and hundreds of millions over budget. And I've never been a shill for inept bureaucrats who allowed American heroes to die on a medical waiting list while waiting for medical service. This is the most arrogant administration in our lifetime. Most would apologize for a scandal committed against our military service men and women. This administration is seemingly incapable of feeling shame.

VA Secretary Asks Only Member of Congress to Serve in Both Iraq Wars, ‘What Have You Done?’

Veterans Affairs Secretary Robert McDonald lost his cool in a House hearing Wednesday after Rep. Mike Coffman (R-Colo.) asked him questions about huge...

www.theblaze.com

I do not think it plays well for the administration -- for any administration -- when their officials act arrogant and rude before Congress.

The Congress is supposed to be the voice of the people. So when you show them disrespect, by proxy, you're showing disrespect to the citizens across the country.

I'm referring to government officials here -- federal government. Private citizens, state employees, what have you can act however they want before the US Congress.

But federal officials whose salaries are paid by US taxpayers need to conduct themselves appropriately.

Robert McDonald did not do that today.

Worse, he attacked a veteran.

I'm sure he had no idea.

I don't believe any VA Secretary would ever be so stupid as to attack a veteran and question their service.

McDonald needs to publicly apologize or he needs to grasp that he will face the wrath of veterans who will not think it appropriate that the Secretary of the VA has questioned -- unknowingly, I believe -- the worth of military service.

On the topic of veterans, Senator Patty Murray continues to fight for an equal playing field for the veterans of today's wars. Her office issued the following today:

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: Murray Press Office

Wednesday, February 11, 2015 (202) 224-2834

VETERANS: Murray Introduces Bill to Cover Reproductive Services for Injured Servicemembers, Veterans, and Their Families

**Murray plans to introduce bill with speech on Senate floor at 11am PT/2pm ET TODAY**

Murray bill would expand DoD’s current fertility treatment programs, end VA ban on in vitro fertilization (IVF)

Murray: “The men and women who serve in our military put their lives and bodies on the line for our country, and the least we can do is provide them with the health care services they need when they get home, including access to fertility treatments”

(Washington, D.C.) Today, U.S. Senator Patty Murray (D-WA) introduced a bill to allow the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) and the Department of Defense (DoD) to provide reproductive services, such as in vitro fertilization (IVF), to servicemembers, veterans and their families who have suffered catastrophic wounds of war that prevent them from starting families. The Women Veterans and Families Health Services Act of 2015 would expand the current fertility services offered to servicemembers and their families by DoD, and end the ban on in vitro fertilization services at the VA.

“The men and women who serve in our military put their lives and bodies on the line for our country, and the least we can do is provide them with the health care services they need when they get home, including access to fertility treatments,” said Senator Murray, a senior member of the Senate Veterans’ Affairs Committee. “Because of outdated policies at the Pentagon and the VA, thousands of seriously ill or injured veterans cannot access reproductive services like in vitro fertilization, which can cost tens of thousands of dollars from private providers. When we send men and women to war, we promise to take care of them when they return home. That’s why I’ve introduced legislation to fill this shocking gap in care for our seriously injured servicemembers and veterans.”

Read the one-pager here: http://www.murray.senate.gov/public/_cache/files/5d39b1c7-ec65-4d6a-a8e5-b7c0888fd3ab/wvfhsa-one-pager.pdf

After more than a decade of war, thousands of servicemembers and veterans struggle with fertility and reproductive health. While VA and DoD offer some forms of fertility treatment and counseling, far too often they fail to meet the needs of these seriously injured servicemembers and veterans. Today, severely injured servicemembers are faced with the choice of pursuing these treatments before separation or paying tens of thousands of dollars out of pocket later. Severely injured veterans do not have a choice at all. The cost of IVF treatments is about $7,000 per cycle within the Military Health System, but almost doubles to $12,400 (and above) per cycle for civilians or veterans who currently cannot receive these services from VA because of the ban.

Data from DoD shows that between 2003 and 2013, more than 2,300 servicemembers have suffered reproductive and urinary tract trauma. The reliance on foot patrols in Afghanistan and the prevalence of improvised explosive devices has left servicemembers far more susceptible to these injuries.

Though DoD currently provides IVF, too many servicemembers are excluded from eligibility for this and other treatments. The VA is completely barred from providing IVF services because of an outdated law. Senator Murray’s bill would expand VA and DoD’s current fertility treatment and counseling offerings and empower severely injured servicemembers and veterans to start families when the time is right for them. The bill would lift VA’s assisted reproductive technology (ART) ban (of which IVF is the most popular and successful treatment) and expand ART treatments beyond DoD’s current policy limitations. Senator Murray’s bill would also provide access to fertility treatment for spouses, allow VA to provide adoption assistance, and make permanent the highly successful child care pilot program in VA.

###

Leah Kennebeck

Deputy Press Secretary

Office of U.S. Senator Patty Murray

202-224-2834

Get Updates from Senator Murray

@PattyMurray